Thursday, May 28, 2009

A Bottle Bill That Will Rot Your Teeth

New York Times
May 28, 2009

By ROBERT F. KENNEDY Jr.

THIRTY-EIGHT years ago, Oregon passed America's first bottle deposit law, leading the way for states like New York and Connecticut to enact their own bills to reduce litter from single-serving containers. Those first laws, aimed at soft drinks and beer, then the most prevalent canned and bottled beverages, succeeded spectacularly, generating redemption rates reaching 70 percent. 
But today the average person disposes of nearly 300 pounds of other kinds of packaging every year, and we need to expand and update New York's bottle deposit law to cover beverages like bottled water, tea and energy drinks. At the same time, we need to make sure that the law supports rather than competes with curbside recycling. 
A good new deposit bill could encourage recycling of new classes of beverage bottles and also provide financing for curbside programs that capture other kinds of recyclable waste, like juice cartons, ketchup bottles and mayonnaise jars. These are all made from the same plastic and glass as soda, beer and water bottles, yet fewer than one in five of them are being recycled. Since such containers are not subject to deposit laws, their recycling is driven only by moral imperative or local ordinances, and these incentives function best when supported by robust curbside recycling programs or other easy recycling options. 
Unfortunately, the New York Legislature passed a bottle law last month that not only fails to accomplish these goals but will actually harm the recycling programs New York has. It is an ugly sausage that was cooked up by lobbyists for makers of sugared drinks and their allies in the Legislature. Instead of requiring deposits for all the new beverage categories, as Gov. David Paterson originally proposed, New York's new bottle law covers bottled water only — unless that water contains added sugar. 
That's not a misprint. The Legislature, which began the year promising to lead national efforts against obesity and diabetes, exempted from the deposit law all noncarbonated beverages that contain added sugar. That means consumers are expected to pay more for zero-calorie choices than they will for sugar-filled options like teas and sports and juice drinks. The markup will encourage millions of New Yorkers, and especially price-sensitive populations like the poor and children, to consume sugar-spiked beverages instead of water. 
This is not the only problem with the new law. By removing water bottles from municipal recycling programs without replacing the critical revenue those containers now generate, the law will actually undermine recycling. And instead of directing the profits from unredeemed deposits to recycling programs, the new law will siphon money into the bottomless yaw of the state treasury. 
In contrast, California's bottle law, which was passed in 1986, applies to more beverage types and helps finance curbside recycling for nearly every household in the state. When Californians recycle their beverage containers at the curb, a portion of the redemption value (not paid to the consumer) is invested in community-based recycling. 
I am both a water bottler and an environmental activist. My water company, Keeper Springs, donates all its profits to the protection of rivers and public water supplies. I am also committed to achieving zero waste through recycling. To get there we need bottle deposit laws that require all beverage makers to take responsibility for reaching the highest possible levels of recycling, and that finance the range of recycling options — drop-off centers, buy-back centers and curbside pick-up.
Keeper Springs has filed a declaration in support of a coalition of bottled water companies that have filed suit to keep New York's new law from taking effect. (On Wednesday, a federal judge temporarily blocked the law from going into effect until the lawsuit can be resolved.) 
The law is a boondoggle that will give sugared beverage producers an unfair market advantage while undermining convenient recycling programs. Governor Paterson and the Legislature should trash it and get to work on the bigger and better bottle bill that New York deserves.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is an environmental lawyer and public health advocate.

Maine Passes Take Back for CFLs

California Product Stewardship Council
May 28, 2009


AUGUSTA, Maine, May 28 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- With nearly unanimous support, the Maine Legislature passed new, first-in-the-nation, legislation to reduce mercury pollution by requiring compact fluorescent light bulb manufacturers to share the costs and responsibility for recycling their mercury-containing bulbs.  Governor Baldacci is expected to sign Maine's bill soon.  Similar bills are now pending in MA and VT.

"Maine has once again demonstrated national leadership to prevent toxic pollution," said Matt Prindiville, Clean Production Project Director for Natural Resources Council of Maine. "Mercury-containing bulbs need to be recycled, and this bill ensures ongoing funding for a collection program that works well for consumers and our environment."

LD 973 puts the responsibilities for bulb recycling into the hands of the private sector.  It has producers, not taxpayers, pay for the collection and recycling of bulb, with lamp makers having an incentive to manage costs in the most efficient way.

"With this bill, Maine twice reduces the mercury in our environment," said Rep. Seth Berry, the bill's sponsor.  "First, we reduce our electrical consumption; second, we ensure that CFLs are correctly disposed of.  Equally important, Maine once again demonstrates to the nation that it is good business practice for manufacturers to participate in the end life of the products they bring to market."

The law sets a standard to limit the mercury content of all lighting, lowering mercury use and hazards to workers and the environment.  It also improves the state's procurement policy to purchase fluorescent lighting with low mercury content while maximizing energy efficiency and lamp life. 

"Thanks to some good bipartisan work, Mainers will be able to enjoy the substantial benefits of compact florescent light bulbs, while sharing the responsibility of removing mercury from the waste stream," said Rep. Bob Duschene, House Chair of the Natural Resources Committee. "We need to ensure that products that contain hazardous materials are safely managed at the end of their useful life," said Seth Goodall, Senate Chair of the Natural Resources Committee.  

Retailers may choose to serve as collection centers and inform customers and the State informs citizens and provides oversight for the recycling program. Like Maine's prior laws on thermostats and auto switches, the new law provides a model that other states can follow to reduce toxic pollution.  

"Passage of this law sends a clear message out nationally (and globally) that a new day is dawning for total life cycle management and shared responsibility--from 'the cradle to the grave' for products containing mercury and other hazardous substances," said Mercury Policy Project Director Michael Bender.

Compact fluorescent light bulbs are an important part of efforts to reduce energy costs, say environmentalists.  Just one CFL can save $30 to $100 on reduced energy costs over its lifetime, but they contain mercury and therefore should not throw them in the trash. 
 

Wednesday, May 27, 2009

New Report: California Businesses Could Save More Than Enough Water to Supply Los Angeles, San Diego and San Francisco

Environmental News Network
May 27, 2009

SAN FRANCISCO (May 26, 2009) — In the midst of a third consecutive dry year, California's water supply continues to shrink as the state's population grows, but according to a new report by the Natural Resources Defense Council, the state's commercial, industrial and institutional (CII) sector has the tools to save more than enough water to meet the annual needs of Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Diego combined. Some leading California businesses and institutions are already catching on — saving water and money at the same time.

"After three consecutive dry years and global warming threatening to intensify California's droughts, we need smart-water solutions that that will stop waste and help businesses use only what they need," said Ronnie Cohen, Director of Water Efficiency Policy for the Natural Resources Defense Council. "Luckily, 21st-century technologies exist to stretch our water supply and save money. And some trailblazing California businesses and water agencies are already showing us how it's done."

The complete report, Making Every Drop Work: Increasing Water Efficiency in California's Commercial, Industrial and Institutional (CII) Sectoris available online from NRDC.

In February of 2008, Governor Schwarzenegger called for a 20 percent reduction in per capita water use by 2020, and legislation to help reach that target is currently pending in the State Assembly (AB 49). California's CII sector — which includes office buildings, hotels, oil refineries, golf courses, schools and universities, restaurants and manufacturers — is responsible for one-third of urban water use, making progress in this sector essential to reaching this reduction goal. The CII sector uses the equivalent of more than a million Olympic-sized swimming pools of water annually. NRDC estimates California businesses could save about 25-50 percent of that water with efficiency measures, or as much as 700,000 -1.3 million acre-feet — the equivalent to 350,000-650,000 Olympic-sized swimming pools.

More Bicycles Sold Than Cars in U.S. in first quarter of 2009

Huffington Post
May 27, 2009

During the first quarter of 2009, more bicycles were sold in the US than cars and trucks. While the Great Recession is hurting bike sales, they didn't fall as fast as automobiles. Around 2.6 million bicycle purchases were made, compared to less than 2.5 million cars and trucks that left our nation's lots.

Bicycle Sales Still Hurt by Recession

I don't mean to say that bicycle sales are unfazed by the recession. They are actually down more than 30% from the first quarter of 2008. But that percentage drop is slower than the35+% drop in sales for cars and trucks. Since nationwide gasoline prices are now rising above $2.40 per gallon at the pump, we may see another wave of US residents shifting to bicycles for their everyday trips. The large savings from riding a bike over short distances rather than driving can help consumer confidence and support economic recovery.

Even Long Trips Can be by Bike

Visionary activists are creating opportunities for cyclists to safely travel longer distances as well. For instance, the East Coast Greenway Alliance aims to connect greenways from Key West, FL, to Calais, ME, on a 3,000-mile long paved trail. For me, it's an exciting potential to visit family and friends in New Jersey, Connecticut, and Rhode Island (or even the longer trip to my native state of North Carolina!) via bicycle. So far, many corridors of the East Coast Greenway (ECG) are built. But gaps in the trail exist that we all can chip-in to connect. One important current opportunity is for us to show our elected leaders that we support the completion of the ECG and other trails throughout our country as part of the federal transportation bill to be deliberated this summer.

Climate Benefits of Bicycling

Not only are there cost savings from such local and intercity rides, but there are environmental benefits too -- especially in the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions. While an average solo car trip or airplane ride emits more than 1 pound of CO2 per mile, bicycling or walking emits close to zero. If we need to travel hundreds of miles, there are great low-carbon strategies for travel that include mass transit and carpooling, keeping our average emissions less than 1/2 a pound of CO2 per mile.

Infrastructure Development Crucial

For Americans to put these millions of new bicycles to use, government leaders from the federal to the local level need to give more support to the construction and maintenance of safe bike lanes and greenways. Such work can be a much-needed source of job growth. From neighborhood paths to an urban counterpart of the Appalachian Trail, bicycling has great growth potential.

Let's make it happen!

Obama Supreme Court pick has small but solid record on environmental rulings

Grist
May 26, 2009

President Obama today selected Sonia Sotomayor as his first nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court. If confirmed, she would become the first Latin American and only the third woman to sit on the highest court in the land.

The hot topic of conversation surrounding her nomination is affirmative action, but over in Gristland, we're wondering, just how green is she?

Sotomayor's limited record on environmental cases is pretty promising, indicating that she will likely follow in the footsteps of the justice she would replace, David Souter, who was a reliable green vote.

"This is the best Supreme Court nomination in many years," EarthJustice President Tripp Van Noppen gushed to Grist. "She's got more judicial experience than any nominee in 70 years, more federal judicial experience than any nominee in 100 years ... She's very strong in terms of experience."

He acknowledged that she doesn't have many major environmental decisions to her name, but said that her record indicates she will be faithful to the rule of environmental law.

"She's ruled both ways on environmental cases, so it's not like she's ideologically committed one way or another, and that's not what we look for in a judge," said Van Noppen. "We look for a willingness to be fair in applying the law."

The most significant environmental case in Sotomayor's record is her ruling in 2007's Riverkeeper, Inc. v. EPA. The case centered on whether or not the Environmental Protection Agency should be allowed to consider the cost-effectiveness of measures to protect fish and other aquatic life forms in rivers and lakes near power plants.

Sotomayor argued in her decision that the EPA should not use cost-benefit analysis to determine what technologies to use for cooling-water intake structures at power plants. The Clean Water Act says that these intake structures must use the "best technology available" to prevent harm to aquatic life (i.e., fish getting stuck on machinery, or smaller fish getting sucked right up into the system), but it doesn't specify what would qualify as such. Sotomayor argued that the determination should be based on the environmental benefit, honoring the original intent of the Clean Water Act:

"... assuming the EPA has determined that power plants governed by the Phase II Rule can reasonably bear the price of technology that saves between 100-105 fish, the EPA, given a choice between a technology that costs $100 to save 99-101 fish and one that costs $150 to save 100-103 fish (with all other considerations, like energy production or efficiency, being equal), could appropriately choose the cheaper technology on cost-effectiveness grounds.

The Agency is therefore precluded from undertaking such cost-benefit analysis because the [best technology available] standard represents Congress's conclusion that the costs imposed on industry in adopting the best cooling water intake structure technology available (i.e., the best-performing technology that can be reasonably borne by the industry) are worth the benefits in reducing adverse environmental impacts.

In April, the Supreme Court overturned her decision in a 6-3 ruling in favor of the power companies – a major disappointment for enviros.

"[Sotomayor] took the line that we and most environmental groups would agree with, which I think is the proper construction of the statute," said Jay Austin, a senior attorney at the Environmental Law Institute. "This clearly shows that she understands these issues."

But Van Noppen also pointed to a 2004 case in the Second Circuit, Environmental Defense v. the United States Environmental Protection Agency, in which she sided against environmentalists who challenged the EPA's acceptance of a New York state plan to meet national air quality standards for ozone. She didn't author the decision, but agreed with the majority in deciding for the EPA.

Still, Van Noppen said her record indicates both that she acknowledges the rights of citizens to challenge regulatory authorities if they fail to uphold their legal mandat, and that she affirms the authority of environmental regulatory agencies. This perspective differs markedly from the one shared by the Supreme Court's four conservative justices – Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, John Roberts, and Samuel Alito – who have repeatedly challenged both these premises.

"She's likely to honor citizens' rights to use the courts to enforce the law, because that's the way those laws are written, and to use the authority of those agencies to carry out their mission as it has been created by Congress," said Van Noppen.

Court is in order

If Sotomayor is confirmed, it won't shift the court on this and similar issues. Though Souter was appointed by Republican George H.W. Bush, he tended to side with the more liberal members of the court—he was among the justices who sided with Sotomayor's original decision in the Riverkeeper case.

"I'm not sure any Obama appointee was going to be in the position to shift the court at this point, given that you're talking about replacing Souter's vote, and he was pretty good on all of our issues," said Austin.

Sotomayor was also a Bush appointee, named to the District Court for the Southern District of New York by President George H.W. Bush in 1991 and promoted to the Second Circuit by President Bill Clinton in 1997. Environmentalists are optimistic she'll follow Souter's example, voting for the most part with liberal justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, John Paul Stevens, and Stephen Breyer. (The only justice counted as a swing vote on environmental issues is Anthony Kennedy.) In the next few years, new lawmaking on climate change is expected and several key climate cases could reach the high court. It was the Supreme Court which, in 2007, determined that the EPA has the authority to regulate carbon dioxide under the Clean Air Act if it determines that carbon dioxide is a threat to public welfare. The EPA concluded last month that it is in fact a threat, triggering the beginning of regulation of these planet-warming gases.

"The climate change decision two years was a landmark case," said Van Noppen. "Until that ruling came from the Supreme Court, there was a major obstacle in front of the EPA on moving forward on climate change ... Once that obstacle was removed, it gave a more sympathetic administration the ability to do some things, so that's a way that a Supreme Court decision could have a big affect."

It's quite likely that the Supreme Court will be again be tasked with determining some of the tough questions about just what is within the EPA's regulatory authority when it comes to climate change. Any regulations coming from the agency will inevitably meet challenge from industry, environmentalists, or both. And if Congress moves to write new law dealing with climate change more specifically by capping and putting a price on carbon dioxide, the new law will also meet a host of legal challenges which could eventually funnel up to the highest court in the land.

Meanwhile, there are also a number of suits in district courts challenging the legality of the various regional programs to regulate greenhouse-gas emissions that could become more pertinent if Congress doesn't write a new law this year. Industries that operate in multiple states have balked at the fact that they exist within different regulatory frameworks right now, and have raised the issue of whether this violates interstate commerce laws.

Other major issues that could come before the Court in the next few years include revisiting exactly what bodies of water are covered under the Clean Water Act, which has been a subject of debate for years because the original language in the legislation is not entirely clear. Whether or not wetlands and rivers and streams that exist only during certain seasons should be covered by the law needs to be decided, whether by new legislative language or a Court ruling.

The Endangered Species Act is another major environmental law almost constantly under litigation in district courts, and key decisions could funnel up to the Supreme Court in the near future. One area that could be ripe for a Supreme Court evaluation is the question of what existing laws can do to protect species threatened by climate change, an issue that environmentalists have raised repeatedly when it comes to the polar bear. The Center for Biological Diversity has filed suit in federal court against six agencies of the federal government on the basis that they have not addressed the impacts of warming on endangered species.

"Ultimately, the Supreme Court will probably have to decide how narrowly or broadly the courts are going to look at climate change policy," said Austin. By all indications, Sotomayor will side with the liberal justices on the issue.

Kate Sheppard is Grist's political reporter.


Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Rail industry petitions to stop moving toxin

USA Today
May 20, 2009

Railroad companies are pressing federal regulators to cut back on trains carrying hazardous materials through urban areas, saying they fear a catastrophic release of toxic chemicals in a large city.

The companies also fear billions in legal claims if toxic materials spill during a derailment or act of sabotage. Rail industry associations are petitioning to allow railroads for the first time to refuse to carry chemicals such as chlorine over long distances.

Federal law requires railroads to transport such materials, which are used in manufacturing, agriculture and water treatment.

The companies' move is opposed by the Obama administration and others who say railroads are the safest way to move toxic materials. If trucks end up carrying materials that railroads reject, "that would pose a much greater danger," said Patricia Abbate of Citizens for Rail Safety, a Massachusetts advocacy group.

The railroad petition is the latest effort to address the danger posed by the 110,000 carloads of toxic chemicals rail companies carry each year. Navy researchers have said an attack on a chemical-carrying train could kill 100,000 people.

Photograph shows several train cars transporting new motor vehicles on their sides after the train derailed along the McDade Expressway in Scranton, Pa., in March. Two train cars carrying hazardous materials were intact after one-fourth of a 43-car freight train derailed.

Article continues:  http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2009-05-19-chemrail_N.htm

Tuesday, May 19, 2009

Let's Have Cap and No Trade

Washington Post
May 19, 2009

The adage that everyone wants to go to heaven but no one wants to die is on display again as the House considers a massive 932-page climate-change bill, introduced by Reps. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) and Ed Markey (D-Mass.), that would establish a "cap and trade" system for carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions. Its sponsors say it will keep low- and middle-income consumers whole while the United States cuts emissions 83 percent below 2005 levels by 2050 and transitions to a clean-energy economy.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

On paper, the Waxman-Markey bill puts a cost on carbon dioxide by imposing a ceiling, or cap, on greenhouse gas emissions and then setting up a market for regulated industries -- such as the electric power sector -- to buy and sell allowances to pollute under that cap. As the cap is reduced each year, market participants will exchange allowances in a complex auction market.

If you liked what credit default swaps did to our economy, you're going to love cap-and-trade. Just read Title VIII of the bill, which lets investment banks, hedge funds and other speculators participate in the cap-and-trade market. They don't have emissions to cut; they have commissions to make.

The real hidden catch of the cap-and-trade system, though, is that it will require consumers to pay twice: first for emission allowances and then for the construction of new low- and zero-carbon power plants.

Congressional estimates of government revenue from the sale of cap-and-trade allowances range from hundreds of billions to trillions of dollars. Contrary to assurances from the bill's sponsors that utility customers wouldn't have to pay these costs for the first decade, some coal-dependent utilities would be forced to purchase more than half of their allowances when the program is scheduled to begin in 2012. Would these allowances reduce our greenhouse gas emissions? No; that would come when consumers footed a second bill -- for the cost of their utilities either to retrofit coal and gas plants to capture carbon -- something that cannot be done today on a commercial scale -- or to shut them down and build non-carbon-producing nuclear plants and wind farms instead.

In fact, to the extent that cap-and-trade auctions increase ratepayers' bills, they will impede utilities' ability to develop a less carbon-intensive infrastructure.

Markets thrive on volatility. Electricity utilities, on the other hand, are highly regulated to ensure price stability -- not volatility -- for their customers. The Waxman-Markey bill imposes a market-based (read: unregulated) trading program on a highly regulated industry that must make enormous long-term and least-cost capital decisions to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. In an unprecedented and unwise fashion, it turns American industry over to the federal Environmental Protection Agency by giving the agency the authority to change the rules on allowances every five years. Is this sound public and economic policy? I think not.

If Congress wants to achieve 83 percent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, the electricity sector can get there, but there is no need for that first cost. Get rid of auctions, speculation, trading, new Wall Street "products" (yes, the bill allows for credit default swaps and carbon derivatives) and the trillions of dollars in government revenue that may end up being spent on other programs. Get rid of the 12 new advisory boards, committees and other institutions established under the Waxman-Markey bill. Focus instead on the most efficient and inexpensive way to cut carbon dioxide emissions.

The solution? Keep the cap and remove trading from the equation: Mandate that the industry, over the same 40-year period, simply limit its emissions to the same levels proposed in the Waxman-Markey bill. This can be accomplished with a clear plan that gives states an option: Either they participate in a cap-and-trade program or they elect an alternative compliance mechanism to reach the same greenhouse gas emission goals by working with their utilities to develop a 40-year program of shutting down aging coal plants, retrofitting plants to capture carbon dioxide if the technology becomes available, and/or building zero-carbon energy plants. More important, the carbon dioxide reductions in this proposal can be achieved while providing adequate time to plan to minimize price shock and economic dislocation. It is the states, through their public utilities commissions -- not the federal government -- that have both the interest and obligation to manage citizens' costs while transitioning to a carbon-free future.

This transformation of our entire electricity sector won't be cheap, but it would be less expensive than the double cost of a complex cap-and-trade program followed by that same transformation.

The writer is chairman of the board of Iowa-based MidAmerican Energy Holdings Co., a subsidiary of Berkshire Hathaway, which also owns an 18 percent stake in The Washington Post Co.

Monday, May 18, 2009

Americans ranked as world’s least green consumers—again

Grist
May 14, 2009

With NatGeo releasing the results of its annual Greendex survey today, I'd like to point out that polls like this are really an opportunity for America to shine.

Take, for example, the question about public transit: Not only did we score the lowest percentage on public transit use every day, but we also scored the highest percentage of folks taking public transitnever. Talk about kicking the competition's ass at both ends of the spectrum.

We've also got the lowest score on the green housing index (despite our best efforts to show up the neighbors with big green additions to our McMansions!). And we might want to rethink that whole Lay's as local thing, seeing as how we're ranked lowest in the list of countries eating locally grown food and lord knows we eat a lot of chips.

There's more to the report than these few categories—you can read all 296 pages of it here[PDF]—but if you want the short version, here it is: developing nations like India and Brazil have the highest (read: greenest) Greendex numbers, while Canadians and Americans round out the bottom ... overall and in pretty much every category (way to be consistent!).

OK, enough sarcasm; turns out it's my job to wrangle out a nugget of hope here, however tiny, so the good news is that we are improving. Sure, everyone else is too—so in the long-standing American tradition that is Always Wanting to Be Number One, we are, perhaps, not doing so well—but at least we are trying. Weare trying, aren't we?

California Court Blocks Wal-Mart Supercenter: Wal-Mart Violated California Law by Ignoring Climate Change

ENN
May 18, 2009

RANCHO CUCAMONGA, Calif.- On Thursday, a San Bernardino County Superior Court judge overturned the controversial approval of a new Wal-Mart Supercenter near Joshua Tree National Park because the project's environmental study improperly dismissed the impacts from the project's greenhouse gas emissions. The ruling came in response to a lawsuit filed by the Center for Biological Diversity.


"The court agreed that Wal-Mart broke the law by refusing to even consider common-sense measures to reduce the greenhouse gas footprint of its latest big-box store," said Matt Vespa, senior attorney with the Center's Climate Law Institute. "California law requires consideration of greenhouse emissions and other environmental impacts from new development, and it is only fair that Wal-Mart comply with this important requirement."


The lawsuit is one of a series of court challenges brought by the Center to reduce greenhouse gases from new development through the California Environmental Quality Act. The Act mandates that where an environmental impact is determined to be significant, all feasible mitigation measures must be adopted to substantially lessen the impact.


In its environmental review for the proposed project, which is located close to Joshua Tree National Park in Joshua Tree woodland, habitat for the imperiled desert tortoise, Wal-Mart attempted to avoid adopting feasible measures to reduce the carbon footprint of its Supercenter by determining that the project's cumulative impact to global warming was less than significant. The court rejected Wal-Mart's finding that the project's impacts were not significant as unsupported and contrary to science.


"Wal-Mart talks a lot about fighting global warming, but when it comes to actually taking action, it bent over backwards to avoid incorporating cost-effective features like solar panels to reduce its carbon footprint," said Matt Vespa. "The enormous disconnect between Wal-Mart's stated environmental goals and its actions is classic greenwashing."


The court also ruled that the environmental study illegal for several other reasons. It neglected measures to reduce ozone and dust pollution, and environmentally superior alternatives. The environmental study also disregarded data that the Supercenter would result in "urban decay," a process that causes other local stores to go out of business.


"Business-as-usual big box sprawl is devastating to our environment and communities," said Vespa. "California law requires Wal-Mart to take stronger steps to live up to its promise to reduce significant environmental impacts like global warming."


Visit the Center's Web site for more information on our efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions under the California Environmental Quality.



Contact Info: Matt Vespa, Center for Biological Diversity, 
(415) 632-5309 or (415) 310-1549 (cell)


Website : Center for Biological Diversity

Industry is warming up to Obama's climate plan

Los Angeles Times
May 18, 2009
Reporting from Washington -- Sprawling across about 9,000 acres of rolling farmland in southwestern Indiana is one of the world's biggest aluminum smelters, operated by Alcoa Inc. The maze of rectangular buildings and giant smokestacks consumes enough electricity to supply a city of 200,000 -- power generated by burning more than 2 million tons of coal a year.

So it may be surprising that company executives are pushing Congress to pass a version of President Obama's plan for combating global warming. After all, Obama wants to slap hefty fees on facilities like Alcoa's that pump millions of tons of carbon dioxide and other pollutants into the air. Those fees could raise costs for the company and leave it vulnerable to foreign competitors.

 

But a growing number of coal users have come to believe that, with the right tweaks, Obama's plan would not only help the environment but boost their profits.

"If we act wisely and swiftly," Alcoa global issues director Meg McDonald told a House committee last month, climate legislation "will assist in restoring growth and provide the means for America to be the global leader in low-carbon technology."

Politically, the decision to get behind the broad outlines of climate legislation mirrors the push by insurers and pharmaceutical companies to remake the nation's healthcare system: In both cases, corporate strategists concluded that some government action was likely, and they might fare better at the table than on the sidelines.

"Many leaders in both areas are willing to break out of what has been conventional wisdom, and as a result we've been able to build coalitions of CEOs," said Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.), a top Democrat on the Energy and Commerce Committee who co-wrote the House version of Obama's climate plan.

Companies such as Alcoa and Duke Energy, the nation's largest producer of electricity generated by burning coal, have been marshaling votes on Capitol Hill, working behind the scenes with committee negotiators and providing what House leaders call a blueprint for compromise.

Alcoa is a charter member of the United States Climate Action Partnership, a collection of large environmental groups, utilities, manufacturers and other big businesses. Two coalition members -- the Environmental Defense Fund and Duke Energy -- last week launched a television advertising blitz in support of warming legislation.

"Their support is indispensable," Markey said of the companies.

Not everyone in the business world is on board -- the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, for instance, is not. And some environmentalists have objected to concessions lawmakers have made to industry.

But without a large dose of corporate support, leading Democrats say, Obama has little chance of attracting enough votes to get his plan through Congress. The swing votes belong to senators and representatives from manufacturing and coal- and oil-producing states that almost certainly would face higher costs under the "cap and trade" system Obama wants to create.

The president is proposing nationwide limits on greenhouse emissions that become more stringent over time. Companies would have to obtain government permits to cover their excess emissions.

"There are two issues to get the bill passed," said Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio). "One is, the states that are heavily dependent on coal need some relief if their energy bills spike, which they will.

"The other is, how do you deal with manufacturing?"

Alcoa's aluminum operations across the U.S. generated 23 million metric tons of greenhouse gas in 2007. The cost per ton of emissions permits hasn't been determined yet, but if it starts at $20 -- a number that falls in the middle of recent Environmental Protection Agency projections -- then cap and trade might add $460 million a year to Alcoa's annual operating costs.

Under an approach favored by industry, the government could soften the blow by giving companies like Alcoa nearly enough free permits in the early years of cap and trade to cover emissions.

The aluminum manufacturer has already cut emissions by a third from 1990 levels. If it continued to reduce emissions -- through such measures as replacing petroleum lubricants in its rolling mills with advanced vegetable oils -- while keeping its full quota of free permits, it would have surplus permits that it could sell to other emitters. Those profits could help pay for greener technology.

In effect, a cap and trade system designed that way would stimulate the drive to reduce emissions, advocates say.

And Alcoa officials see another benefit: Government pressure for cleaner air would increase consumer demand for lightweight cars and more efficient buildings -- boosting the market for aluminum.

The White House has signaled a willingness to provide financial offsets and other relief to the states and companies that would be hit hardest by new cap and trade rules.

At the moment, Obama's budget calls for selling all the emissions permits, a position backed by many environmentalists. The proceeds would fund research on renewable energy and a middle-class tax cut of $400 per person.

Many large manufacturers worry that the system could drive the energy-intensive production of steel, glass, cement and other goods overseas.

"We've lost 5 million manufacturing jobs in this country," said Alan McCoy, a spokesman for Ohio-based AK Steel. "This kind of legislation, poorly crafted, would eliminate the rest of them." 

The House version of the legislation would initially hand out more than a third of the permits to utilities, another 3% to automakers and 15% to companies such as Alcoa that consume vast amounts of energy and are exposed to foreign competition. In all, 30% of permits would be sold at the start.

As for "how that pie ends up sliced at the end of the day," said Heather Zichal, deputy assistant to the president in the Office of Energy and Climate Change, "I think we're open to discussions."

jtankersley@latimes.com